India's holy trinity defends nuke deal

JYOTI MALHOTRA

New Delhi, July 27, 2007 : India’s holy trinity – consisting of National Security Adviser M K Narayanan, Atomic Energy chief Anil Kakodkar and Foreign Secretary Shivshanker Menon – was unleashed on the media here today to defend India’s new nuclear status, even as a synchronised briefing by top US diplomat Nicholas Burns in Washington dealt with the US point of view on the deal.

But it was the clearly reluctant, albeit self-confessed ``karmayogi’’ Anil Kakodkar who was the focus of the hour. For the last two years, since the PM had first initiated the nuclear dialogue with Bush, Kakodkar had epitomised the so-called ``scientific’’ opposition to the deal.

Today, he had been put under the arclights, by none other than Narayanan, to defend it.

Asked if his scientists were now jubilant about India’s brand-new nuclear status, Kakodkar looked distinctly unhappy. Sitting as he was next to Narayanan, he could hardly break rank. So he chose the middle path.

``We’re all karmayogis. We will carry on our work…I could have had a huge wishlist. But we are consistent with what has been achieved,’’ Kakodkar said.

Earlier, he had been asked if he was happy with the outcome : ``Yes, I am happy,’’ said Kakodkar. ``I was very unhappy when I thought (some elements) won’t be there. (My criticisms) earlier were part of the national position. What I am saying now is also part of the national position. I have no reason to be unhappy,’’ he added.

Narayanan had, meanwhile, set the tone for the press conference, declaring that both countries had ``got a very good deal that would mutually benefit both countries,’’ but denied there were any ``extraneous’’ linkages, such as the purchase of 126 aircraft by India. He said the Opposition and the Left parties ``were more than satisfied’’ with the briefing they had received over the last couple of days.

Both Narayanan and Menon took cover behind the formality, that is the deal was about civil nuclear cooperation. Menon, in fact, rejected Pakistani criticism that the deal would upset the balance of power in the region, saying it had nothing to do with it.

Once again it was left to Kakodkar to admit that the agreement would ``allow India to carry on with its domestic three-stage nuclear programme and research & development,’’ which would remain independent.

He was virtually admitting that while the deal with the US would allow India’s 14 safeguarded ``civilian’’ reactors to receive fuel from the US and other countries, the US had also agreed that India would be able to keep its military programme going.

That is, if Delhi decided it wanted to continue making bombs, implied Kakodkar, it could. The civilian nuclear energy agreement with the US would not stand in its way.

But when a journalist from the London `Financial Times’ asked whether the deal, in fact, allowed India to leverage its military programme, even as its civilian programme carried on unabated with international help, Narayanan exhibited a flash of fury.

``I think its time that certain countries overcame the belief that we are interested in proliferation. If we need additional (fuel) for a stockpile, we know how to do it. We are not using this agreement as an excuse to enhance our strategic fuel capabilities,’’ he said.

Actually, it had been none other than Narayanan who had given proof of India being allowed to maintain the sanctity of its military programme : the fast-breeder programme, he said, would not be placed under any international obligations.

In the absence of the agreement text, which will also be simultaneously released only next week after the Bush administration clears it, Narayanan read out an agreed joint statement with the US. India, it said, ``was ready to work with like-minded countries to fashion a new consensus on non-proliferation and realise the goal of a nuclear weapon-free world.’’

Menon read out a joint statement by foreign ministers Pranab Mukherjee and Condoleezza Rice on ``next steps’’ : First, India would negotiate a safeguards agreement with the IAEA as well as seek support for nuclear trade from the 45-member Nuclear Suppliers Group. Only after this would Bush put the agreement to his Congress for an either/or final vote.

Menon agreed that Mukherjee would now begin talking about the agreement with other countries and that the ARF summit would be a good way to start, especially as China, known to be a vehement critic of the deal, was also going to be present there.

ENDS